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August 2016

How the parties took over the primary debates

[Commentary] In December 1987, six Democratic presidential candidates joined six Republican presidential candidates on the stage of the Kennedy Center in Washington (DC) for a primary debate. The Democrats answered some questions from moderator Tom Brokaw, and then Republicans offered their critiques. Then the parties would switch. This was unlike presidential primary debates that occurred before or after. Indeed, most primary debates of the day were precedent-setting.

The rules we are accustomed to today in presidential primary debates are actually very recent inventions. Those rules and customs have developed over the past four decades as parties have slowly asserted their control over the process. We explore this odd history in a paper we're presenting , looking at how this development has affected democracy within the parties.

[Seth Masket is a professor of political science at the University of Denver. Julia Azari is a political science blogger and professor at Marquette University.]

Wireless Network Quality Study Reveals Need for Ongoing Investment in Urban Areas

Urban areas with high densities of young, heavy network users continue to pose challenges for wireless services providers, according to the second semi-annual installment of the JD Power 2016 Wireless Network Quality Performance Study. Released Aug 25, the results indicate wireless carriers need to continue investing in urban infrastructure as the use of 4G LTE smartphones grows and customers expect faster network speed. JD Power’s semi-annual studies assess wireless network quality performance along 10 problem areas, including dropped calls, unconnected calls, audio issues, and failed/late voicemails.

Results are measured in problems per 100 (PP100) connections with higher scores translating into higher quality, fewer problems and better performance. Urban residents experience the greatest number of network problems overall, according to JD Power’s study – 15 PP100 as compared to 12 PP100 on average for rural residents and 10 PP100 for those living in suburban areas. That extends across all 10 wireless network problem criteria.

When Media Companies Insist They're Not Media Companies and Why It Matters for Communications Policy

A common position amongst online content providers/aggregators is their resistance to being characterized as media companies. Companies such as Google, Facebook, BuzzFeed, and Twitter have argued that it is inaccurate to think of them as media companies. Rather, they argue that they should be thought of as technology companies. The logic of this position, and its implications for communications policy, have yet to be thoroughly analyzed. However, such an analysis is increasingly necessary as the dynamics of news and information production, dissemination, and consumption continue to evolve. This paper will explore and critique the logic and motivations behind the position that these content providers/aggregators are technology companies rather than media companies, as well as the communications policy implications associated with accepting or rejecting this position.

The danger here is that the production, dissemination, and consumption of journalism will increasingly be dictated by institutions devoid of any governance structure oriented toward serving the public interest as it pertains to the role of journalism in a democracy. From this standpoint, should communications policymakers embrace the notion that these online content providers/aggregators are technology companies rather than media companies, the implications for how well the contemporary media ecosystem serves the information needs of citizens in a democracy could be profound.

[Philip M. Napoli is associated with Duke University. Robyn Caplan is associated with Rutgers University, New Brunswick/Piscataway, School of Communication and Information.]

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