Thursday, August 20, 2020
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Sixteenth Broadband Deployment Report Notice of Inquiry
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Telehealth is here to stay. West Virginia doesn't have the broadband capability to support it.
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The Federal Communications Commission begins its latest annual statutorily-mandated assessment of its progress in closing the digital divide. In the 2020 Broadband Deployment Report, the FCC concluded that for the third consecutive year such advanced telecommunications capabilities are being timely deployed. While the 2020 Report acknowledged there is still work to be done to fully close the digital divide, more Americans than ever before now have access to the benefits of broadband as the FCC’s policies have created a regulatory environment to stimulate broadband investment and deployment. The FCC invites all interested parties to submit comment and information to guide its analysis in the 2021 Broadband Deployment Report.
Comment Date: September 18, 2020; Reply Comment Date: October 5, 2020
By seeking comment, as we do here, on where service is and is not, we should be developing a record that supports an honest assessment of the availability of broadband across the country. But the ugly truth is that when the agency released its last Broadband Deployment Report earlier in 2020 it concluded that broadband deployment was “reasonable and timely” nationwide. In other words, it found all was well.
That’s just not right. For starters, the Federal Communications Commission concluded that there were only 18 million people in the US without access to broadband. That number wildly understates the extent of the digital divide in the country. Earlier in 2020 President Donald Trump signed the Broadband DATA Act directing the FCC to clean up its act and develop data and maps that reflect the true state of broadband access in the US. But the agency has yet to roll up its sleeves to collect any improved information as part of this effort—so the same data problems that existed last time are bound to show upin this inquiry, too.
Plus, in its last report the FCC continued to use a broadband standard that is too low for a nation that has moved so much online. With many of our nation’s providers offering gigabit service, it’s time for the FCC to adjust its baseline upward, too. We need to reset it to at least 100 megabits per second. While we’re at it we need to revisit our thinking about upload speeds. At present, our standard is 3 megabits per second. But this asymmetrical approach is dated. We need to recognize that with enormous changes in data processing and cloud storage, upload speeds should be rethought. There is, unfortunately, little evidence the FCC is willing to do so in this inquiry.
Finally, in its last report the FCC neglected to meaningfully discuss big issues that contribute to the digital divide. It didn’t consider affordability. It barely mentioned digital literacy. If the agency is serious about living up to its duty to report on the state of broadband in this country, these omissions are a problem. But there is little here to suggest the FCC is seriously considering these matters in this inquiry now.
As I noted in my dissent from 2019’s Notice of Inquiry, I fundamentally disagree with the approach of comparing broadband providers’ deployment in one year against their deployments in prior years to measure “progress.” I continue to believe this approach gives us little understanding of internet inequality and the ways to combat it.
We also continue to rely on the Federal Communications Commission’s misleading Form 477 data. I am disappointed that, despite broad recognition that Form 477 has distorted our view of the digital divide, the FCC did not develop alternatives in time for 2020’s Notice of Inquiry. As we approach the Broadband DATA Act’s Sept 21, 2020 deadline for new mapping and data rules, the entire FCC should commit to making this the last time we rely on this flawed data set.
Because the proposals in this Notice of Inquiry are likely to produce yet another report that misrepresents internet inequality in the US, I respectfully dissent.
The US Department of Agriculture (USDA) is investing nearly $3 million to provide broadband service in unserved and underserved rural areas in Missouri. This investment is part of the $100 million in grant funding made available for the ReConnect Pilot Program through the CARES Act. In rural Missouri, Big River Broadband will use a $2.9 million grant to deploy a fiber-to-the-premises (FTTP) network to connect 4,839 people, 54 farms, 27 businesses, two public schools and one fire station to high-speed broadband internet in Cape Girardeau County.
Nearly half of Mainers who responded to a recent survey said their internet service during the COVID-19 pandemic has been less than adequate. Results of the statewide survey by Mission Broadband, a Bangor-based firm, reveal disparities in broadband access and affordability in different areas, a divide that has been made worse by the COVID-19 pandemic. Roughly 47 percent of the more than 2,600 respondents indicated that their internet service has not met their needs since the start of the pandemic. Respondents said the biggest issues have been slow connectivity, unreliable service, and cost. The survey results are being shared with stakeholders across the state, including community organizations and municipal governments. More than half those surveyed said they felt internet access was not affordable – a worrying sign given the increase in demand during the pandemic and the sluggish economy that has resulted from it.
A growing number of government programs support broadband deployment. Some programs allow service providers to combine, or “stack,” subsidies in a project’s funding; others have prohibitions against stacking subsidies built into the program rules. Recently this has come up in the debate on the Federal Communications Commission’s new Rural Digital Opportunity Fund (RDOF). This is the question: Should stacking be allowed, or should it be discouraged? Just how does a provider stack subsidies? One example occurs when a CAF II recipient also receives a state subsidy to build a broadband network in the same geographic region. On the one hand, this looks like double-dipping. The provider is paid twice to do the same project. On the other hand, is the first subsidy sufficient to produce the desired results in that area at a satisfactory rate of return? In many cases, it is not. In the interest of making the best use of public funds, it certainly makes sense that we would not want to pay twice for the same construction. On the other hand, things may not get built if service providers can’t get enough help to make the numbers work. If service providers want to build fiber to the most rural areas of this country, they likely will need either bigger upper limits on broadband subsidies, or the ability to obtain funds from multiple services to make the economic model work.
[Trevor Jones is vice president of marketing, sales and customer service for OTELCO, which owns independent telephone companies in seven states and partners with several community networks in Massachusetts]
On August 14, 2020, Governor Gavin Newsom (D-CA) issued an executive order to establish a state goal of 100 mbps download speeds for all Californians, citing the 2 million Californians who lack access to high-speed broadband today. This announcement is significant, as it firmly illustrates that the state of California believes the federal definition of broadband is no longer sufficient to modern needs. The federal definition of broadband lost its relevance long ago, and it is both useless and harmful as a means to measure equality of access. While the governor acknowledged that a 100 mbps download speed does not deliver speeds synonymous with fiber networks, the emphasis on high-speed access holds a lot of overlap with fiber infrastructure. Inherently, any network delivering these types of speeds requires fiber to some degree. If done right, Governor Newsom’s broadband plan could be the stepping stone towards universal fiber that all communities need to embrace to compete in the gigabit era that 21st-century economies are entering.
Ryland Sherman recently wrote an article for the Benton Institute for Broadband & Society that recommends that Congress acts to change the rules that allow landlords to block ISPs from their buildings. He also points out that any meaningful change also will require eliminating the ability of ISPs and landlords to negotiate exclusive contracts that block other ISPs from entering buildings. His final recommendation is that any federal laws on the issue should prohibit states from erecting barriers that would keep ISPs out of apartment buildings. These are all great ideas and they’ve been on my wish list for years should there ever be another telecommunications act coming out of Congress. Only Congress can make the needed changes since the Federal Communications Commission has its hands tied by the messy history of court rulings on the subject over the last few decades. Unfortunately, Sherman’s recommended changes alone won’t fix all of the problems. These changes will allow ISPs to enter buildings that they’ve been precluded from. But no law can force ISPs to enter apartment buildings. The reality is that it’s expensive for a new ISP to rewire many apartment buildings. Many ISPs have only agreed to spend the money to wire buildings based upon having an exclusive contract. ISPs won’t enter buildings in a competitive environment when the math doesn’t work. It’s hard to imagine that fixing barriers is going to entice ISPs to serve apartments with low-income tenants. The recommendations made Sherman are needed. Allowing ISPs to enter buildings more freely will spur competition in both speeds and prices. We need to come up with new ideas to get ISPs to serve buildings that are expensive to wire or that serve low-income tenants. This will likely need to be a local solution since every market is different. We can’t rely on the private sector to provide good broadband in all multi-tenant buildings – the incumbents have already been accused in many cities of redlining to avoid low-income neighborhoods. We absolutely should remove all barriers that keep ISPs out of multi-tenant buildings. But we need to go a lot further to find ways to get ISPs to serve all these buildings.
The Trump administration is pursuing its own version of internet sovereignty. If Trump obtains a second term, his policies will empower and legitimize efforts by governments around the world to fence off different parts of the internet in service of their own geopolitical and domestic objectives. Asserting internet sovereignty already helps incumbent leaders and their political parties tip the scales to manipulate elections and manufacture their own legitimacy, particularly in countries with weak or deteriorating rule of law—which is now on a steady global decline, including in the U.S. If the Trump administration helps to normalize the banning and blocking of entire apps and platforms, strongmen will be in an even stronger position.
If the American people deny Trump a second term, the Biden-Harris administration will need to reboot America’s internet policy and recommit to a vision of an open internet through which data and information can flow freely. Congress must take decisive steps to protect internet users from abuse of government surveillance powers. It must curb invasive and opaque commercial data tracking that not only enables platforms and advertisers to manipulate users’ behavior, but also serves up a treasure trove of behavioral data that is currently available for purchase on the open market—by anyone, including directly and indirectly by a range of intelligence agencies. Legislative action to protect the rights of people who use U.S. companies’ networks and platforms will make it easier for governments and companies to work together toward further transparency and accountability standards.
[Rebecca MacKinnon directs New America’s Ranking Digital Rights project]
House Commerce Committee Chairman Frank Pallone, Jr. (D-NJ) and Communications Subcommittee Chairman Mike Doyle (D-PA) sent a letter to Federal Communications Commission Chairman Ajit Pai urging him to give tribes more time to apply for broadband licenses in the 2.5 GHz Band. “We are concerned that the FCC’s failure to provide adequate time for tribes to take full advantage of the 2.5 GHz Rural Tribal Priority Window means fewer tribes will be connected to lifesaving internet service,” Charimen Pallone and Doyle wrote. “The coronavirus has underscored that the digital divide is a deadly chasm, but the FCC can help address this issue. Tribes have been hit particularly hard during the COVID-19 pandemic, and high-speed internet service helps governments better succeed when it comes to public health interventions. The Rural Tribal Priority Window is one important remedy to the digital divide for Indian Country, but without more time, it will not succeed.” The two Committee leaders acknowledged that the FCC has provided a 30-day deadline extension, but pointed out that tribal leaders have implored FCC to implement a 180-day extension. The Committee leaders requested a response from FCC Chairman Pai by Aug 28, 2020.
Verizon is adding some perks to its wireless plans, but some things aren't changing: Verizon still restricts 5G service to its most expensive unlimited-data plans. If you want to save money by getting a limited-data plan, you'll have to make do with 4G only—which, admittedly, is not a big problem for most people given how sparse Verizon's 5G network is. AT&T still enforces a similar restriction, including 5G only in its unlimited-data plans while selling limited-data plans without 5G. T-Mobile is taking a different approach, saying on its website that "5G access is included in all our plans, at no additional cost." The exclusion of 5G from cheaper plans appears to be solely a business decision, similar to how Verizon and AT&T have loaded unlimited plans with other exclusive perks to steer customers toward the pricier offerings.
Milwaukee County, Wisconsin, is currently experiencing firsthand the consequences of the Federal Communications Commission’s (FCC's) 2018 preemption of local governments’ authority to regulate 5G infrastructure in their cities. With its initial handful of applications for new small cell transmitters just submitted to the county board by Verizon under the new rules, local officials are grappling with a host of limitations — including fee caps, shorter timing windows, and rights of way exemptions — which outline clearly a problem more and more communities will face in the coming months and years.
Health
Telehealth is here to stay. West Virginia doesn't have the broadband capability to support it.
Telemedicine has proved effective during the pandemic, keeping people with chronic health conditions away from crowds and allowing more one-on-one time between patients and caregivers, according to health professionals. But West Virginia has a connectivity problem. Without sufficient internet access, drastic health disparities will widen between the state’s most impoverished and vulnerable communities and wealthier places, said Dr. Rahul Gupta, West Virginia’s chief health officer from 2015 to 2018. It’s not just telehealth that requires sufficient broadband. The success of West Virginia’s children is directly dependent on internet access, Gupta said. “If there’s one investment that needs to happen immediately, it is in broadband, to ensure that this does not become a basic fundamental rights issue … it’s as important as the air we breathe,” Gupta said. “In a time where we cannot remain connected any other way, being online is very important.”
Education
San Antonio Leverages Its Fiber Infrastructure to Extend School Networks to 20,000 Students in Need
A new initiative called Connected Beyond the Classroom will leverage city-owned fiber infrastructure and $27 million in CARES Act funds to connect students across San Antonio’s 50 most-vulnerable neighborhoods in a bid to close the digital divide and ensure teachers, students, and their parents can continue to learn this fall and beyond. While state law limits the communications services that municipalities can provide, the city is able to leverage its existing fiber network used by the municipal electric utility, government and community buildings, and public safety (called COSANet) to expand school networks all the way to students’ homes. The bulk of the network is already in place, connecting community anchor institutions, light poles, and other city-owned, fiber-connected structures. The $27 million the city received from the CARES Act will, in part, go towards closing the necessary gaps and extending COSANet outward into the targeted neighborhoods. Last-mile connections will come, according to city leaders, from private LTE wireless providers with whom the city has set up agreements for service. This approach resulted from the understanding that using LTE towers were the quickest solution to targeting desired areas. Students will then be able to connect to the network (from their own or school-provided devices) as usual to access class content, though households or devices will need the appropriate hardware (like an exterior antenna or LTE adapter) to translate that signal into one their devices can use.
American tech titans flew high before the coronavirus pandemic, making billions of dollars a year. Now, the upheaval has lifted them to new heights, putting the industry in a position to dominate American business in a way unseen since the days of railroads. A rally in technology stocks elevated the S&P 500 stock index to a record high even as the pandemic crushes the broader economy. The stocks of Apple, Amazon, Alphabet, Microsoft and Facebook, the five largest publicly-traded companies in America, rose 37 percent in the first seven months of 2020, while all the other stocks in the S&P 500 fell a combined 6 percent, according to Credit Suisse. Those five companies now constitute 20 percent of the stock market’s total worth, a level not seen from a single industry in at least 70 years.
Stories From Abroad
Differentiating mobile broadband policies across diffusion stages: A panel data analysis
This paper finds that policy mixes for mobile broadband diffusion need to be differentiated depending on where a country is situated in three stages of mobile broadband diffusion because as a mobile broadband market grows, demand constraints hindering subscription of mobile broadband will also change. A total of 115 countries are clustered into three groups (Take-off, Fast-Diffusion, and Saturated), categorized by their diffusion rates and diffusion speeds over four years from 2013 to 2016. With pooled and fixed effect panel data models, this paper examines which variables out of 23 explanatory variables were effective in promoting mobile broadband adoption globally. Further, by interacting explanatory variables with two group dummies, this paper identifies differential slope (policy) effects of each explanatory variable on mobile broadband adoption. The paper concludes that, among the three groups, considerable gaps exist in the size of effective policy choice sets: six for Take-off, ten for Fast-diffusion, and thirteen for Saturated, suggesting that the countries in the Take-off stage have a very narrow degree of latitude for developing mobile broadband promotion strategies.
Benton (www.benton.org) provides the only free, reliable, and non-partisan daily digest that curates and distributes news related to universal broadband, while connecting communications, democracy, and public interest issues. Posted Monday through Friday, this service provides updates on important industry developments, policy issues, and other related news events. While the summaries are factually accurate, their sometimes informal tone may not always represent the tone of the original articles. Headlines are compiled by Kevin Taglang (headlines AT benton DOT org) and Robbie McBeath (rmcbeath AT benton DOT org) — we welcome your comments.
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