Tuesday, March 25, 2025
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Today: The Censorship Industrial Complex and Harnessing Artificial Intelligence Cyber Capabilities
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USDA Strips DEI From Rural Programs
So You Want BEAD to Be Tech Neutral?
How Anchor Institutions Became Critical Players in Addressing Universal Service Goals
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The United States Department of Agriculture, Rural Development (RD), which is comprised of the Rural Business-Cooperative Service (RBCS), Rural Utilities Service (RUS), and Rural Housing Service (RHS), is amending 14 program funding opportunities to remove references to the Biden Administration’s key priorities and diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI)-related scoring criteria to bring them into compliance with the Executive Order, ‘‘Ending Radical And Wasteful Government DEI Programs And Preferencing’’, issued on January 20, 2025. This notice also confirms that previous Administration key priorities and discretionary points will not be considered during application scoring and makes clear that applicants who already have applied need not reapply. Impacted programs include Distance Learning & Telemedicine Grant and Community Connect Grants.

Congress is supposed to write the laws, but these days it often prefers to delegate to the executive branch, and then cheer or boo the results. Twice amid the New Deal, but not since, the Supreme Court struck down statutes as abdications of Congress’s lawmaking power. Yet the Court has another chance in the case that the Justices will consider Wednesday, FCC v. Consumers’ Research. The Telecommunications Act of 1996 tells the Federal Communications Commission to levy money from phone carriers to subsidize “universal service.” Congress gave the FCC vague “principles” to pursue, including “affordable rates” and “equitable” telecom contributions. The rest is up to the bureaucracy, including the amount of the tax. In recent years it has neared $10 billion, which gets passed on to consumers. What’s more, the FCC handed implementation to a nonprofit, the Universal Service Administrative Company, or USAC. No problem, the government’s brief argues: A delegation is constitutionally fine as long as Congress “supplies an intelligible principle to guide the agency.” In the FCC’s case, the law “specifies who must pay universal service contributions, the terms on which they must do so, the purposes for which the funds must be used, the types of services that the Commission must subsidize, and the types of entities that may receive funding.” The law’s challengers reply that this is “delegation running riot.” The FCC’s power to raise revenue from telecom providers is “unbounded by any statutory caps or rates.” The fuzzy principles that Congress set forth aren’t much practical guidance, and the FCC “can even add new principles and—taking the cake—redefine ‘universal service’ itself, based on an ‘evolving’ standard the FCC determines.”

America’s $42.5 billion investment in universal broadband internet access may be on track for a major overhaul. Three years into its meticulous planning and implementation process, and with significant progress already made, the Broadband Equity, Access, and Deployment program may pivot from prioritizing fiber to satellite connectivity. Secretary of Commerce Howard Lutnick is reportedly heeding Republican clarion calls for “tech neutrality” and planning to encourage states to seek the “lowest cost” option when awarding contracts under the federal government’s Internet for All program. This would reverse the Biden administration’s “fiber first” policy and likely redirect billions in funding from fiber builds to the satellite internet service sold by Starlink, a subsidiary of Elon Musk’s SpaceX. But what does “tech neutrality” actually mean for BEAD and its goal of universal broadband?

The Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act provided over $42 billion in subsidies for broadband deployment via the Broadband Equity, Access, and Deployment program. Although BEAD funds are supposed to be disbursed on a technology-neutral basis, the Biden Administration mandated a preference for fiber deployment, even when alternative technologies—including satellite broadband—are the more efficient mechanism to serve certain high-cost areas. With the recent election of President Donald Trump to the presidency, the government’s preference for fiber now faces significant uncertainty. In this context, the Brattle Group released a commissioned study claiming substantial economic benefits from fiber deployment based on a Differences-in-Differences regression model. In this bulletin, I describe several methodological problems in the Brattle Group’s approach, including a failure to evaluate key assumptions of DID models and the misspecification of the regression models, and then evaluate their study’s findings using the same data sources.

Community anchor institutions (CAIs)—such as schools, libraries, community health centers, and similar organizations—play a crucial role in offering free or affordable internet access to underserved communities. In many areas, the connectivity options offered by CAIs—whether on-site (via wired or wireless networks) or through remote programs like hotspot lending—are among the few affordable and reliable services available. Rural residents, in particular, face significant barriers to connectivity, as the internet services available to them are often slow, unreliable, and prohibitively expensive. U.S. telecommunications policy has sought to address broadband infrastructure gaps and reduce connectivity costs for low-income households through initiatives like the $42.45 billion Broadband Equity, Access, and Deployment (BEAD) Program. However, experts and state officials have argued that these efforts may not fully close persistent access gaps. As a result, many households continue to struggle with maintaining consistent internet access. To help bridge these digital divides, CAIs—supported by federal, state, and local policies—have become essential partners in delivering internet services and advancing universal broadband access nationwide.
[Emily C. Rubin is a doctoral candidate in Journalism & Media at the University of Texas at Austin and a Benton Opportunity Fund Fellow. Her research focuses on the role of community anchor institutions in state BEAD and Digital Equity Program plans. Rubin also holds an MFA in Media Studies from Long Island University, Brooklyn.]

The marketing arm of the broadband industry spends a lot of time convincing folks that the most important part of a broadband product is download speed. This makes sense if fiber of cable are competing in a market against slower technologies. But it seems like most advertising about speed is to convince existing customers to upgrade to faster speeds. While download speed is performance, the industry doesn’t spend much time talking about the other important aspects of broadband:
- Upload Speed: Households that make multiple simultaneous upload connections like video calls, gaming, or connecting to a work or school server quickly come to understand the importance of upload speeds if they don’t have enough. This was the primary problem that millions of households subscribed to cable companies encountered during the pandemic when they suddenly were using a lot of upload.
- Oversubscription: Home broadband connections are served by technologies that share bandwidth across multiple customers. Your internet services provider is very unlikely to tell you the number of people sharing your node or the amount of bandwidth feeding your node. The Federal Communications Commission’s broadband labels require ISPs to disclose their network practices, but nobody tells you statistics like this that would help you compare the ISPs competing for your business.
- Reliability. If operated properly, fiber networks tend to be the most reliable. But there are exceptions, and it all boils down to the quality of your local ISP as it does to the technology. It’s hard to say that any factor is more important than reliability if your ISP regularly has network outages when you want to use broadband.

A proposed state law in California would force Internet service providers to offer $15 monthly plans to people with low incomes. The bill is similar to a New York law that took effect in January 2025 but has a higher minimum speed requirement: The proposed $15 plans for low-income California residents would have to come with download speeds of 100Mbps and upload speeds of 20Mbps. Broadband lobby groups fear that many states will enact such requirements after New York won a multiyear court battle to enforce its law. The Supreme Court has rejected telecommunications industry challenges to the New York law twice. The California bill was proposed in January by Democratic Assemblymember Tasha Boerner, but the original version simply declared an intent to require affordable home Internet service and contained no specifics on required speeds or prices. The requirement for specific speeds and a $15 price is being added to the bill with an amendment that was provided by Boerner's office.

It’s a question that has baffled many minds for years. The mismatch between the U.S. population growth rate and U.S. wireless carriers’ ability to add oodles of new phone customers every quarter has mystified some Wall Street analysts for eons. “Investors have been puzzling over the industry’s ‘excess growth’ for years now,” wrote Craig Moffett of MoffettNathanson Research. “Wireless is, after all, a fully saturated industry in the U.S. And yet total industry growth (not just postpaid phone, but total phone, including prepaid) has consistently been far faster than population growth. For years.” Young people getting their first phones sooner is one of the most commonly cited explanations for the excessive growth. That’s certainly real, but it can’t come close to explaining the magnitude of the gap. What if gig workers could explain some of this? After all, drivers at companies like Uber, DoorDash, Instacart, Lyft, Grubhub and other services often use second or third phones to manage their business.

Big Tech’s influence in Washington, DC, is not new, but private tech and governmental interests are merging in ways that represent a concerning reconfiguration. In this analysis of the Trump administration’s first 100 days, we highlight three key trends:
- Large tech companies have long sought influence in Washington, but many are now bending to state power because they know the administration is picking winners and losers.
- Today’s dynamic between the private sector and our government started taking shape well before November 2024.
- Large tech companies’ acquiescence offers the government unprecedented power over communications platforms and infrastructure.

Ever since Donald Trump bumped Brendan Carr up to chair of the Federal Communications Commission in November 2024 (after naming him a commissioner during his first term), Chairman Carr has attacked the country’s media, entertainment and even tech giants with a cool fury, threatening their business and, critics say, attempting to bully them into more favorable coverage of the President. Historically concerned with the sundry matters of broadcast licenses and station fines, the FCC hardly would seem like the centerpiece of a major media-suppression effort. Nor would a conservative former lawyer who has spent his entire adult life in DC—and who was so incensed by the Obama administration’s comparatively minor intervention on net neutrality that he railed against “government control over [Americans’] lives”—seem like the man to commandeer it. Yet Chairman Carr has done just that, reading signals from a media-bashing Donald Trump and mercilessly carrying out his will in ways even the President might not have called for.
Benton (www.benton.org) provides the only free, reliable, and non-partisan daily digest that curates and distributes news related to universal broadband, while connecting communications, democracy, and public interest issues. Posted Monday through Friday, this service provides updates on important industry developments, policy issues, and other related news events. While the summaries are factually accurate, their sometimes informal tone may not always represent the tone of the original articles. Headlines are compiled by Kevin Taglang (headlines AT benton DOT org), Grace Tepper (grace AT benton DOT org), and Zoe Walker (zwalker AT benton DOT org) — we welcome your comments.
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