Friday, November 8, 2024
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I want to congratulate President Trump on his historic election victory. The American people have sent a clear and decisive message to Washington. It is time to change course. That is why I agree with congressional leadership that the FCC should immediately stop work on any partisan or controversial matter and focus on the transition. When the transition is complete, the FCC will have an important role to play reining in Big Tech, ensuring that broadcasters operate in the public interest, and unleashing economic growth while advancing our national security interests and supporting law enforcement. The FCC can and must deliver results for the American people.
Donald Trump’s most clearly articulated economic plan is that he intends to impose a lot of tariffs on foreign-made goods entering the U.S. We can also speculate that he won’t allow tax breaks given in 2018 to lapse as they’re scheduled to do, and that Republicans will probably address taxes as one of the first items on their agenda. The effect of these policies on the telecommunications sector will be a mixed bag. Grant Spellmeyer, CEO of the trade group ACA Connects, predicts that the new administration will immediately put a big focus on taxes, and a lot could change besides just extending previous tax cuts. The Wall Street Journal did an analysis, saying that less tax funds would result in a higher federal deficit and put upward pressure on interest rates. And as we’ve seen over the last couple of years when the Federal Reserve has increased interest rates, that’s difficult for companies that are carrying debt or that want to engage in mergers and acquisitions. Dish Network, for example, has almost crumbled under the weight of its high interest debt. And the higher cost of capital also crimped some capital investment and merger and acquisition activity in the telecommunications sector as companies wait for rates to go down.
With Election Day in the rearview mirror, the U.S. is considering what a second Donald Trump administration means for the country. For the broadband industry, that means wondering what will happen with the $42.5 billion Broadband Equity, Access, and Deployment (BEAD) Program. The long and the short of it? The biggest influence on BEAD could come from outside the government. “The bottom line is Brendan Carr will not be the most important person for telecom policy” when it comes to BEAD, said New Street Research’s Blair Levin, referencing the likely future pick for Federal Communications Commission chairman. “That will be Elon Musk.” As Levin explained, Musk—who owns satellite broadband service Starlink—has a strong incentive to push for changes to BEAD policy, particularly the current government preference for fiber. After all, every penny spent on fiber is a penny put toward Starlink’s competition.
It's very likely that the incoming Trump administration will smile on satellite Internet companies such as SpaceX's Starlink and Amazon's Project Kuiper. And that could have serious implications for fiber vendors like Calix and Corning, as well as fiber network operators like AT&T, Brightspeed, Altice, Windstream and others. The Broadband Equity, Access, and Deployment (BEAD) program is designed to funnel $42.45 billion through US states for broadband networks in rural areas. Although satellite and fixed wireless companies may be eligible for some of the funding, Biden administration rules likely would funnel the bulk of BEAD to fiber operators and their vendors. However, states have not yet begun issuing grants through the program, and a Trump administration may be able to affect the distribution of those state-level funds."If Trump wins, the BEAD program is likely to see a delay in spending (relative to a Harris win) and a reduction in expenditure for fiber (relative to a Harris win)," summarized Blair Levin, a policy adviser to New Street Research and a former high-level Federal Communications Commission official.
Elon Musk—the most influential backer of President-elect Trump, thanks to his money, time and X factor—now sits at the pinnacle of power in business, government influence and global information (and misinformation) flow. As this election showed, politics and influence flow downstream from information control. Musk, once seen by many as a fool for buying Twitter, now controls the most powerful information platform for America's ruling party. X makes Fox News seem like a quaint little pamphlet in size, scope and right-wing tilt. Imagine you wanted to help mold America. You would instantly realize you need information dominance and vast political influence. With X and now Trump, Musk has both.
Even before Donald Trump was re-elected, his best-known backer, Elon Musk, had come to him with a request for his presidential transition. He wanted Trump to hire some employees from Musk’s rocket company, SpaceX, as top government officials — including at the Defense Department. That request, which would seed SpaceX employees into an agency that is one of its biggest customers, is a sign of the benefits that Mr. Musk may reap after investing more than $100 million in Trump’s campaign, pushing out a near-constant stream of pro-Trump material on his social media platform, X, and making public appearances on the candidate’s behalf across the hard-fought state of Pennsylvania. In addition, Musk's allies in Congress and at the Federal Communications Commission have already challenged a decision by the commission to revoke a plan to offer SpaceX an $856 million subsidy to provide broadband internet service in rural parts of the United States. The effort was led in part by FCC Commissioner Brendan Carr. He has championed Mr. Musk and SpaceX on his social media feed in recent months, even intervening in Musk’s battle with the government of Brazil over X, even though the social media company is not in Carr’s purview. (Starlink, which was caught up in the dispute, is.) House Republicans recently started an investigation into the FCC’s position on the rural internet request, suggesting that the agency’s decision might be reconsidered if Republicans take control of the commission, as is likely once Trump is sworn in.
Some Silicon Valley leaders and investors who have long itched to apply their startup toolkit to government see a big opening in the Republican victory, with Elon Musk taking charge of a Trump administration federal efficiency initiative. Many Trump partisans in tech see Musk's takeover and transformation of Twitter as a model for how to go about reshaping the federal government. A wave of tech talent descended on D.C. and the federal government 15 years ago when Barack Obama took office, eager to put their web savvy and coding skills to work to make government run better. During the first Trump administration, Jared Kushner ran the Office of American Innovation, intended to bring private-sector know-how into government, and many tech CEOs sat on advisory councils organized by the Trump White House. We don't yet know what form Musk's government-efficiency project will take, but both Trump and Musk see themselves as disrupters, and they want to place a big bet on shaking up the bureaucratic status quo.
Of all the groups celebrating Donald Trump’s reelection, maybe no one has more of a reason to celebrate than his boosters in the tech world. Given the key role Elon Musk played in bringing Trump back to office, the newly vocal Silicon Valley right expects a bonanza of industry and “innovation”-friendly de-regulation — and they are celebrating it, very publicly. Behind the chest-thumping is a real, if not yet completely defined, new style of Republican politics emphasizing state capacity, industrial policy, and closer ties between Silicon Valley and the federal government. Now, the question is: What do Trump’s tech backers actually get for their support? If you want a laundry list of asks, you can look at the VC giant Andreessen Horowitz’s “American Dynamism” project, which emphasizes a mixture of deregulation and public-private partnerships in fields like defense and education. The “let’s build” crew emphasizes onshoring industrial production, building massive fleets of military drones and getting humanity a foothold in space, all with a laser focus on getting bureaucrats out of the way and letting tech wizards work their magic.
Gail Slater, Sen. JD Vance’s economic policy adviser, and Michael Kratsios, Donald Trump’s chief technology officer during his first term, will head tech policy for the transition. Kratsios helped pen the Trump administration’s 2020 AI executive order, which emphasized research investment, federal computing resources, and training the U.S. AI workforce. Slater also worked for the first Trump White House as a special assistant to the president for tech, telecommunications, and cybersecurity issues where she pushed a free-market approach to 5G technology.
When it comes to tech policy, the next Congress has a seemingly endless to-do list. It includes hashing out a deal on an elusive federal privacy law, coalescing on how to address booming products driven by artificial intelligence and countering harms on social media. With Republicans retaking the Senate and seemingly on track to retain the House, the party may largely be able to set the tone in those legislative negotiations. Here’s what that could look like:
- An early leg up in the artificial intelligence debate: Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) kicked off a process to educate senators about AI tools and begin sketching out a regulatory approach while House lawmakers launched a new bipartisan task force to craft recommendations on the issue. But neither has translated into any significant new laws, leaving much unfinished work for Congress. Joel Thayer, president of the Digital Progress Institute nonprofit, said Republicans will probably push for more “pro-market” AI proposals that emphasize countering Chinese technologies.
- A reset on child online safety: After the Senate overwhelmingly passed a pair of measures to expand privacy and safety protections for children online, House lawmakers are expected to make an end-of-year push to get the bill over the finish line in the lower chamber. But their odds for success are steep given that House Republican leadership has opposed the Senate proposals.
- A more united front on privacy: When Democrats controlled both chambers last Congress, they got closer than ever to advancing a bipartisan data-privacy deal in the House. Now Republicans may get their first major chance to pass such a law without divided rule.
Presidential elections have real impacts arriving quickly. I think the following changed policies and strategies will happen fast, because the glidepath is both well-lit and pre-planned.
- Low Earth Orbiting carriers, like Starlink, will qualify for universal service funding. The Federal Communications Commission, under new management, will ignore any previous qualms about Starlink’s cost, bit rate, reliability, and other shortcomings compared to terrestrial options. This means Starlink will qualify for over $800 million in universal service funding subsidies.
- The FCC has a playbook it will follow to the letter. The Heritage Foundation has commissioned the generation of a comprehensive list of deliverables that will be implemented quickly, regardless whether President Trump has read any of Project 2025. This executive delegates large portions of governance.
- The author of the FCC chapter, Commissioner Brendan Carr, will become Chairman.
- Public interest regulatory requirements fade into the sunset. Expect the FCC to remove “regulatory underbrush” that heretofore have established now minor limits on national and local market dominance. Broadcasting becomes a toaster with sound and pictures as suggested in 1981 by a former FCC Chairman, Mark Fowler.
- Relaxed antitrust scrutiny, possibly eliminating the FCC’s review of mergers and acquisition parallel to what the Justice Department does.
- I expect Executive Branch agencies, including Defense, Homeland Security, NASA, Commerce, and the FAA, to lose the upper hand in spectrum sharing and relinquishment negotiations.
Mercury Broadband filed letters notifying the Federal Communications Commission that the company is returning census block groups (CBGs) awarded funding in Kansas, Illinois, Michigan, and Indiana. Mercury said deployment costs have increased dramatically since Mercury made its bids in the Rural Digital Opportunity Fund auction and factors outside of its control, including rising costs and competitive encroachment, have rendered deployment to many of these RDOF CBGs economically unviable and ultimately unachievable.
With USCellular's agreement to sell AT&T $1.018 billion of spectrum, all three of the major mobile operators "have taken a chunk" of the rural carrier's assets. The agreement includes the sale of 1,250M MHz-Pops of 3.45 GHz and 331M MHz-Pops of 700 MHz B/C block licenses to AT&T. This spectrum will likely enable AT&T to layer in better coverage on its existing 5G footprint. The sale, once approved by regulators, will add additional spectrum to AT&T's existing bandwidth to improve overall coverage. The 700 MHz band is valuable for distance coverage. The 3.45 GHz band adds capacity that makes it useful for a variety of applications. The AT&T deal is likely to see easy regulatory approval, said Raymond James analyst Ric Prentiss.
Rise Broadband announced it has acquired MidAtlantic Broadband’s 100% fiber-to-the-home broadband/internet business in Missouri. Operating under the Yondoo Broadband brand, MidAtlantic Broadband’s business in Missouri adds almost 10,000 residential and commercial locations across eight markets in the eastern part of the State. With this acquisition, Rise Broadband will now provide service in the cities of Kahoka, Canton, La Grange, Bowling Green, Elsberry, Potosi, Belle, and Bland in Missouri. 100% of homes passed are serviceable with fiber-optic service.
The industry is suddenly awash with talks of acquisitions and mergers. In September, Verizon announced the acquisition of Frontier Communications in an all-cash deal valued at $20 billion. T-Mobile has announced two acquisitions of fiber overbuilders. The first was the acquisition of Lumos, which has been building fiber in North Carolina, South Carolina, and Virginia. T-Mobile also announced the purchase of Metronet, a fiber overbuilder from the Midwest that has expanded into 17 states. T-Mobile is also buying Uscellular from TDS for $4.4 billion. Many fiber businesses clearly have the goal of growing large enough to flip to somebody larger. The investors in these businesses are largely venture capitalists who hope to sell companies at a premium multiple of what they paid to build the business. For example, the Lumos deal is reported to be valued at over $9,000 per existing broadband customer—a lot more than what the company spent to build the existing networks.
The fixed wireless access (FWA) market has largely matured, and it's no longer offering many surprises. As a result, the pressure the technology has put on the cable industry appears to be easing. "We now have better insights into FWA collectively," wrote the financial analysts at New Street Research. The analysts now expect T-Mobile to gain around 1.45 million fixed wireless customers next year. Verizon ought to come in second with 1.3 million, and AT&T should gain around 550,000 fixed wireless customers during the course of 2025. The analysts continued: "This is a big deal for cable. We have been expecting slower growth from T-Mobile and Verizon, but we didn't know what AT&T could ramp to. With better insight into AT&T, we now know that we are past the peak." Others have reached similar conclusions. "The impact of FWA will linger but has likely peaked," wrote the financial analysts at MoffettNathanson.
From communities in Appalachia and Florida to the Hawaiian Islands, no part of the US is untouched by the increased climate-related disasters we’ve seen in the past few years. Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) is updating and publishing a disaster response framework, and the National Digital Inclusion Alliance submitted comments to advocate for stronger integration of digital inclusion activities into post-disaster efforts. NDIA's key recommendations fall under five main categories:
- Emergency Internet Access
- Device Distribution
- Digital Skills and Support
- Online Access to Resources and Services
- Equitable Funding and Policies
Judge Jacqueline Scott Corley of the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California granted Meta’s request to dismiss a lawsuit brought by Ethan Zuckerman, who teaches public policy at the University of Massachusetts Amherst, who wants to build a tool that allows Facebook users to unfollow everyone in their feed. Prof Zuckerman (no relation) had asked a federal court to rule that Meta, Facebook’s owner, couldn’t sue him if he went through with his plan. Zuckerman and his lawyers, who work at the Knight First Amendment Institute at Columbia University, were relying on a little-used portion of Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, a 1996 law that shields Meta and other tech giants from lawsuits over content posted by their users. Judge Corley ruled that Zuckerman could refile the lawsuit at a later date.
Benton (www.benton.org) provides the only free, reliable, and non-partisan daily digest that curates and distributes news related to universal broadband, while connecting communications, democracy, and public interest issues. Posted Monday through Friday, this service provides updates on important industry developments, policy issues, and other related news events. While the summaries are factually accurate, their sometimes informal tone may not always represent the tone of the original articles. Headlines are compiled by Kevin Taglang (headlines AT benton DOT org), Grace Tepper (grace AT benton DOT org), and Zoe Walker (zwalker AT benton DOT org) — we welcome your comments.
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